Information Systems Technician 3rd Class Hector Torres, left, and Senior Chief Electronics Technician Mark Stuivenga work on unclassified networks as part of the Commander, U.S. 2nd Fleet forward maritime operations team supporting Large Scale Exercise 2025. (Susanna Rogers/U.S. Navy)
ABOUT THE AUTHOR: Patrick McSpadden is a retired U.S. Air Force lieutenant colonel and former intelligence officer with more than 21 years of service, including multiple operational deployments. He writes on defense policy, military technology and national security. The views expressed are his own and do not reflect the official position of the Department of Defense or the U.S. government.
The White House, lawmakers, economists, faith leaders and the rest of us have spent weeks watching a U.S.-led campaign unfold in the Middle East, as Iran and its militias answer with missile strikes. This is not just another round of regional violence; it is a conflict already spilling across borders, putting global energy flows at risk, and driving geopolitical and security consequences that are still unfolding.
Roughly 20% of the world’s oil passes through the Strait of Hormuz, and Gulf producers account for close to a third of global supply. Iranian strikes and retaliation have reached U.S. bases and partners across the region, while threats to key maritime routes are driving economic instability far beyond the Middle East.
At the same time, the war is not clean or contained. Behind the images of strikes and the breathless diplomatic coverage, governments and companies are quietly signing data-center, chip and cloud-computing deals that reveal an emerging competition running alongside kinetic action.
It is the race for artificial intelligence dominance and the Gulf is becoming a key arena. The global artificial intelligence market is projected to exceed $1 trillion in the next decade, and the Middle East’s digital economy is expected to approach $800 billion by 2030.
This is not a niche technology story but a story of power.
The United States is showing up with its strengths — advanced semiconductors, large-scale data centers, and partnerships that tie countries into American systems for the long term. Today, U.S. firms design the vast majority of the world’s most advanced artificial intelligence chips, and the broader ecosystem that produces leading-edge semiconductors remains overwhelmingly aligned with the United States and its partners.
China is showing up differently. It is moving fast, offering cheaper systems, and asking fewer questions. Companies like Huawei are central to that push. They are not just selling equipment; they are building ecosystems that countries can adopt quickly without waiting on approvals or navigating layers of restrictions. Huawei alone operates in more than 170 countries, and Chinese firms are expanding rapidly across digital infrastructure markets in the Middle East and beyond.
Countries like Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates are not sitting back and watching this unfold. They are actively shaping it, investing heavily in data centers, talent pipelines, and national strategies built around digital infrastructure, with sovereign funds and national programs committing tens of billions toward artificial intelligence and advanced technology.
Because this competition is not just about who sells more hardware. It is about which nation’s technologies are embedded in the systems that matter. The country that provides the chips, builds the data centers, and trains the workforce does not just win a contract; it shapes how those systems are used, secured, and governed over time.
That kind of access turns into influence. Quiet at first. Then durable. And enduring.
Right now, China’s advantage is not that its technology is superior. It is that it is cheap and available. It shows up ready to make deals, build, move and win.
The U.S. still holds the edge where it counts most; when it comes to compute and cloud infrastructure, U.S. technology is more advanced, its companies remain more innovative, and its systems are generally more trusted than China’s. Export controls can slow delivery, approval processes can take too long, and companies can hesitate in markets that feel politically complex or operationally difficult. In that gap, Chinese firms move in, secure contracts, and become part of the foundation.
There is also a military dimension that cannot be ignored. The artificial intelligence infrastructure being built today will shape how partners operate tomorrow. Planning, targeting, logistics and decision-making will increasingly rely on these systems. The Department of Defense is already investing billions annually in artificial intelligence and autonomy, and those capabilities will define how forces connect and fight in the years ahead.
If those systems are influenced or supplied by China, the U.S. and its allies face concrete risks to interoperability, data security and operational trust, which is why Washington needs to compete with clear, sustained urgency rather than complacency. The U.S. must empower American companies to operate in these markets, aligning export controls with strategic objectives — not just risk avoidance or precedents from past administrations. And it means recognizing that influence in the region will increasingly be determined by who builds and sustains the digital systems underneath everything.
U.S. infrastructure decisions made over the next five to 10 years will shape alignment in the region for decades. The nation that builds the systems the Middle East depends on will determine future diplomatic, security and economic outcomes.