Training gives U.S. troops a presence in
Philippines without putting down roots
By Carlos Bongioanni
and Kendra Helmer, Stars and Stripes
Carlos Bongioanni / Stars and Stripes
Cpl. Gary Ristaino prepares to clear out from his position after helping secure the
perimeter of a landing zone where U.S. Marines deployed from helicopters Monday in
conjunction with an amphibious assault at Ternate beach at the southern end of Manila Bay.
Ristaino is part of the 3rd Battalion, 7th Marines from 29 Palms, Calif.; the unit is
deployed to Camp Schwaab, Okinawa, and was participating in the Balikatan 2001 exercises. |
Editor’s note: This is the first story in an occasional
series on the U.S. military presence in Asia.
U.S. military training in the Philippines is so frequent that U.S. forces have a
virtual permanent presence without putting down roots.
In a delicate balance between U.S. policy on national and regional security, and
Philippine nationalism, this almost-but-not-quite arrangement has worked.
But a recent report suggesting the United States beef up its regional forces — in
case of a conflict between China and Taiwan — worries some here.
Earlier this month, RAND, a think tank, released a Pentagon-sponsored study calling for
"frequent rotational deployments" to the Philippines that would "allow for
infrastructure improvements and keep facilities ‘warm’ to enable the rapid start
of operations in a crisis."
That scenario is not much different than the existing arrangement, said a Philippine
government official who asked not to be identified.
U.S. troops deploy for two to four weeks, the official said, with a two- to three-day
gap before the next unit arrives. Often, deployments overlap. So the U.S. military
maintains a permanent presence in the Philippines, "a temporary-permanent
arrangement," the official said.
The arrangement is a delicate one in a country that voted to oust the United States a
decade ago. Anti-U.S. government groups decried U.S. presence and denounced the Philippine
government for caving in to U.S. national policy.
Carlos Bongioanni / Stars and Stripes
Filipino journalists ask Marine Capt. Mark Eskew about a KC-130 Hercules refueling
aircraft which dropped roughly 50 U.S. and Filipino paratroopers during a portion of
Balakatan 2001 earlier this month. |
"If the leftist groups suspect more military movements, they’ll cause us a
lot more trouble. … Anything that would indicate some sort of permanency would not go
over too well with the public," the official said.
Recent election-related violence overshadowed news of the study, said Robert Blume, an
investment promotion manager with the American Chamber of Commerce of the Philippines.
"My guess is after the elections settle down," Blume said, "the RAND
study will pop out again. Nobody’s taken a pot shot at it, but I suspect someone
will."
Rabasa said he disagrees that the RAND recommendation means increased deployments.
"We visualize an expansion of cooperation with the Philippines," he said.
That "could include an expansion of deployments," he added, but that isn’t
stressed in the report.
"We should offer increased training and equipment transfers to the Philippines
that would strengthen (its) role in multilateral institutions and also enable it to defend
itself."
The country’s ailing defense capabilities were a major concern "expressed to
us by all levels of the Philippine government," he said.
"We felt it would contribute to the stability of the Southeast Asia region if the
Philippines were to develop a more credible self-defense capability."
It has taken awhile to rebuild mutual trust and friendship between the two countries
and to work through myriad political obstacles. So strong has been the anti-base sentiment
that the Philippines government didn’t ratify the Visiting Forces Agreement until
1999. That followed a survey showing a majority of Filipinos opposed a U.S. presence.
Carlos Bongioanni / Stars and Stripes
This unidentified marine was part of an amphibious training assault at Ternate beach
during the recent Balikatan 2001 exercises. |
The VFA provides a legal framework for the U.S. military to do exercises in the
Philippines. It is similar to the Status of Forces Agreement that the U.S. military has
with other countries where troops are stationed. The agreement governs who has legal
jurisdiction over troops and lays out their rights and obligations when they are deployed
to the Philippines.
While the VFA opened the door for U.S. troops to resume training, it insisted the
training be bilateral with Philippine counterparts. The VFA forbids the United States from
conducting unilateral training.
"Clearly, the Filipino people don’t want to be seen as puppets of U.S.
foreign policy," said Jerry Finin, a research fellow for the East-West Center in
Honolulu. The research and educational institute focuses on the Asia-Pacific regional
community.
"Nationalism and sovereignty" are main issues for Filipinos, Finin said.
Richard Baker, a colleague of Finin’s at the East-West center, called the
arrangement a "win-win situation" for both countries.
"From the Philippines’ standpoint, they get quality training with the
premiere military force in the world," said Baker, an adjunct senior fellow at the
East-West Center and former American diplomat.
Baker said the training better prepares the Philippine troops to fight in the
country’s south, where government forces face an ongoing conflict with Muslim and
communist insurgents.
The joint exercises also allow the United States to foster good relations with the
Philippines, an important element of U.S. strategy to promote regional peace and
stability.
"The United States and the Philippines have a common interest in a stable regional
environment," Rabasa said.
"We have a common democratic tradition."
Not everyone agrees.
Carlos Bongioanni / Stars and Stripes
Lance Cpl. William Pinkstock mans a machine gun as a contingent of U.S. Marines secures
the perimeter of a landing zone during an amphibious assault exercise earlier this month
at Ternate beach at the southern end of Manila Bay. Pinkstock is part of the 3rd
Battalion, 7th Marines from 29 Palms, Calif. |
Some see a U.S. military presence as helping to erode facets of Philippine society.
Madonna Carlos, an official for the IMA Foundation, a women’s rights
nongovernmental organization in Angeles City, opposes the U.S. military’s return to
the Philippines.
It aggravates an already problematic sex trade, she said. More U.S. soldiers will
increase the trade, she said.
The way the U.S. military conducts itself on and off duty hours is another important
factor. Low-flying aircraft are just as problematic as rowdy troops who cause an incident
in town.
Last year, three sailors beat up a taxi driver in Cebu. The Philippines government
threatened to rescind the VFA if the sailors were not returned for questioning. They
brought the three sailors back to the Philippines. The three apologized in court to the
driver, and a judge dismissed all charges.
In another incident, two Philippine children died after handling unexploded ordnance
they found where U.S. Navy SEALs and their Philippine counterparts had trained. The United
States has refused to compensate the families of the children, denying responsibility for
the accident.
Philippine officials said evidence suggests Navy SEALs left the round behind. Even if
it wasn’t their round, said the Philippine official, they should compensate the
families: If it’s joint training, it should be joint responsibility, he said.
The families of the dead children are planning to file civil charges against the U.S.
Navy, and the Philippine government has restricted the U.S. military from further
exercises in the Cebu area until the issue is resolved.
These incidents could affect the future of military operations in the Philippines. Many
Filipinos feel the United States is an "uncaring superpower," Finin said.
"There’s a perception that the most powerful and wealthiest nation in the
world is unwilling to pay for a funeral. It’s that sort of insensitivity that can
lead to a larger problem. … Once one or more incidents occurs, where civilians are
killed, it’s going to be difficult convincing the Philippines’ government to
continue" allowing the U.S. military access in the Philippines, Finin said.
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